Traces of War in the Brain
Can the impact of war still be detected in the brain decades later? And can the experience of war-related trauma also affect the next generation?
These questions were explored in the neuroimaging study Long-term neurostructural and psychological effects of war stress in two generations of civilians from the former Yugoslavia.
This study, which combined brain magnetic resonance imaging (MRI), psychological questionnaires, and interviews, showed that the experience of war can have long-term effects not only on mental health but also on brain structure.
Compared with the control group, individuals who had been directly exposed to war-related stress showed differences in grey matter volume in several brain regions. These included the parahippocampal gyrus, middle temporal gyrus, fusiform gyrus, and a region of the cerebellum known as Crus II. These areas are associated, among other functions, with emotion processing, memory, social cognition, and other cognitive processes. The finding of lower grey matter volume in Crus II is particularly noteworthy because the cerebellum was traditionally associated primarily with motor control. More recent research has demonstrated its involvement in memory and certain cognitive processes, a role also supported by our findings.
The psychological findings also revealed higher levels of persistent post-traumatic stress symptoms and lower life satisfaction than in the control group. At the same time, this group reported higher levels of what is known as post-traumatic growth. This term refers to positive changes that may occur in some individuals as they cope with a highly challenging life experience, such as a greater appreciation of life, changes in personal priorities, or a stronger sense of personal strength.
The study also yielded interesting findings concerning the second generation: individuals born after the war whose parents had experienced it themselves. In this group, the study found no differences in brain structure or elevated levels of post-traumatic stress symptoms compared with the control group. However, a psychological difference was observed: the second generation reported higher levels of post-traumatic growth than the control group. Interviews also indicated that parents' wartime experiences may influence their children's lives even when the children did not experience the war themselves. Family history may shape, for example, how parents raise their children, their need to protect them, or the way wartime experiences are discussed within the family.
The findings demonstrate the complexity of the long-term consequences of war-related stress. Among those who directly experienced the war, the study identified both persistent psychological difficulties and differences in brain structure, alongside signs of positive adaptation and post-traumatic growth. Although the same neurostructural or psychological indicators of trauma were not found in their children, the younger generation's lives may still be shaped in certain ways by the experiences of the preceding generation. The study therefore supports an understanding of trauma not as a simple transmission of "damage" from one generation to the next, but as a complex process in which vulnerability, adaptation, and resilience may intersect.